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To be in Warsaw on Sunday evening was to expertise a uncommon second of political pleasure. Younger voters queued till the early hours to see off the xenophobic nationalist populists who’ve been dragging their nation backwards, show that even an unfair election could be received towards the percentages, and switch Poland in direction of a contemporary European future. Neighbours introduced scorching drinks to maintain them within the chilly. Interviewed at round 1am on Monday morning, one younger man in Wrocław mentioned they needed to grasp in there as a result of this was an important election since 1989.
I walked to a Warsaw polling station on election day with the identical previous buddies whom I had accompanied to that historic vote on 4 June 1989. With delight, they every selected one identify from the lengthy checklist of parliamentary candidates. With equal delight, they refused even to take the poll paper for the simultaneous referendum which – with its ludicrously biassed questions on issues like an alleged “pressured relocation mechanism” for unlawful immigrants supposedly “imposed by the European paperwork” – was successfully election propaganda for the ruling Regulation and Justice celebration (PiS). However my buddies and I have been filled with nervous anticipation.
Anna advised me that whereas in 1989 her dominant emotion had been hope, now it was concern. Her daughter, who was simply seven in 1989, frightened what extra the ruling celebration may do to poison younger minds and wreck her personal seven-year-old daughter’s training. However then, beginning with the primary exit polls at 9 pm, our foreboding turned to reduction after which pleasure.
Regardless of being solely semi-free, that 1989 election opened the door to democracy in Poland. Regardless of being unfair in a number of methods, not least within the crude, mendacious propaganda pumped out by all state-controlled media, this one ought to reverse Poland’s slide in direction of the type of electoral authoritarianism practised by Viktor Orbán in Hungary.
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Turnout, at a document almost 74 p.c on the present depend, was absolutely 10 p.c increased than in 1989. Reversing a continent-wide pattern, first estimates recommend that voters beneath 29 turned out in bigger numbers than these over 60. It appears younger Poles lastly understood that their future was at stake. No matter occurs subsequent, this was an amazing democratic second. The individuals spoke and mentioned they needed a distinct authorities.
Until present projections are badly fallacious, the democratic opposition events may have a transparent parliamentary majority over PiS and its potential associate, the wild Konfederacja celebration, which had threatened to select up a big youth vote.
Why did the opposition win? We’ll want extra time to know this absolutely, and there all the time stays a fog of wonderful thriller round how and why thousands and thousands of particular person individuals in the end resolve to vote a method relatively than one other. Nonetheless, we are able to see that many citizens merely bought fed up with the crude, mendacious, corrupt, petty, backward-looking, obscurantist rule of the celebration led by the 74-year previous Jarosław Kaczyński, who’s a type of one-man strolling anthology of resentment.
Some have been alarmed by opposition warnings that the anti-Brussels course of PiS would possibly finally result in Polexit. (The extra instant hazard was that it could be a part of forces with Orbán, Italy’s Giorgia Meloni and the Slovak populist Robert Fico to pull the whole EU additional to the fitting.)
Subsequent to the younger, it is going to be attention-grabbing to see how girls voted, confronted with a reactionary, patriarchal celebration imposing one of many strictest anti-abortion legal guidelines in Europe. Round 600,000 Poles overseas registered to vote, though their affect on the precise end result might be (unfairly) marginal.
Large credit score should go to Donald Tusk, the chief of the biggest opposition checklist, the Civic Coalition, which has at its core the Civic Platform celebration he co-founded within the early 2000s. I need to confess I used to be sceptical in regards to the return to the entrance line of Polish politics of the 66-year-old former president of the European Council. It felt a bit like Tony Blair resuming the management of the British Labour Social gathering – and Tusk, like Blair, does have lots of people who cannot stand him. However he fought his means by means of a barrage of toxic abuse, ludicrously accusing him of being the German candidate, and this victory is in important measure his.
I got here to Warsaw immediately from Istanbul, the place my liberal democratic buddies are in deep despair after a united opposition did not defeat president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in an election earlier this yr. Final spring, I watched a united opposition in Hungary go down badly towards Orbán. In Poland, my buddies and I have been additionally urging the opposition to unite – which it did not do. But it could end up that the very fact there have been three totally different opposition lists to select from – Tusk’s Civic Coalition, the Third Approach (combining two events broadly acceptable to liberal Catholic voters) and the New Left –really ended up maximising the opposition vote.
I simply realized a brand new Polish phrase: depisyzacja, that’s, “dePiSisation”, by analogy with decommunisation. However taking the PiS out of the Polish state might be a tricky process
It is nonetheless early days. Resentment-tsar Kaczyński might but have a number of soiled tips up his sleeve. President Andrzej Duda will give him the primary probability of forming a authorities, so it may take months earlier than energy lastly modifications fingers. Such a various opposition coalition could also be fractious in authorities (suppose Germany).
Then there’ll be the large problem of reversing PiS’s creeping state seize. I simply realized a brand new Polish phrase: depisyzacja, that’s, “dePiSisation”, by analogy with decommunisation. However taking the PiS out of the Polish state might be a tricky process. It means restoring the independence of the courts, turning state media into correct public service media, undoing deep political penetration of the civil service and state-owned enterprises, re-drawing constituency boundaries in order that they replicate inhabitants modifications – and extra. Restored EU funding will assist, however nobody is aware of the true situation of Poland’s public funds and there is a conflict grinding on subsequent door in Ukraine.
PiS stays the celebration which received the only largest share of the vote. In massive cities, almost half the votes went to opposition events and fewer than 1 / 4 to PiS, however within the countryside it was the opposite means spherical. Civic Platform should present it has realized from its errors within the 2000s and respect the issues of a poorer, extra conservative, Catholic, rural and small city Poland. And the opposition must keep away from the temptation merely to take revenge – a sure Polish speciality splendidly depicted in Andrzej Wajda’s movie of the basic Polish comedy Revenge.
However ample unto the day are the evils thereof. I discover this morning that the presenters on the unbiased, opposition-supporting TV channel TVN can hardly cease smiling – and, frankly, nor can I. Poland’s populist nightmare is sort of over and all Europe will profit consequently.
Timothy Garton Ash’s most up-to-date ebook is Homelands: A Private Historical past of Europe
👉 Learn the unique article on the Guardian
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