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Senator John McCain’s first city corridor in Could 1999 was terrible. 13 folks milled round at an almost empty American Legion Corridor in Manchester, and solely 9 of them have been nonetheless deciding whom to vote for within the first-in-the-nation major.
However the Arizona Republican, going through a goliath named George W. Bush with the whole Republican institution behind him, caught with it. He took questions in church basements, diners and neighborhood facilities till the assembled voters ran out of inquiries to ask. He talked to reporters on his Straight Speak Specific bus and made no secret of reaching out to independents.
In February 2000, Mr. McCain shocked the Texas governor with a convincing New Hampshire victory, 49 p.c to 30 p.c.
Accessibility, honesty, vulnerability and a near-constant presence — Nikki Haley did none of that in New Hampshire towards her personal goliath, Donald J. Trump, a far completely different candidate from Mr. Bush however one who additionally has the aura of inevitability. On Tuesday, she misplaced New Hampshire’s first-in-the-nation major.
Perhaps it didn’t need to occur that method.
“Seven, 10, 14 days in the past, I assumed she might have gained,” Mike Dennehy, Mr. McCain’s New Hampshire marketing campaign supervisor and the architect of his inconceivable victory. “I actually did.”
New Hampshire has a method of providing politicians second possibilities and the occasional upset. Mr. McCain’s stunner in New Hampshire didn’t propel him to the Republican nomination, nevertheless it prolonged his inconceivable insurgency. Hillary Clinton hobbled into the state in 2008 after a bruising loss in Iowa to Barack Obama. Like Mr. McCain, she didn’t in the end win, however she left New Hampshire victorious over Mr. Obama and jumped right into a slugfest that might stretch on for months.
Her husband, Invoice Clinton, had been left for lifeless in 1992, scarred by scandal and ending the Iowa caucuses with 2.8 p.c, behind “uncommitted.” His second-place end in New Hampshire was sufficient for him to proclaim himself “the comeback child,” and are available again he did, to 2 phrases within the White Home.
However for New Hampshire’s voters to grant presidential underdogs their blessing, they should see the candidates for who they’re. Mrs. Clinton’s voice quavered and her eyes teared up on major eve when Marianne Pernold Younger, in a Portsmouth cafe, requested an exhausted candidate, “How do you do it?” It confirmed an emotional facet that voters had missed in all these years she had gritted her tooth and stood by her husband.
Ms. Haley, the previous South Carolina governor, did the other of all that, with a tightly managed marketing campaign that restricted her publicity, performed it secure and by no means gave voters a purpose to throw her a life vest.
“So many, many errors,” Mr. Dennehy mentioned. “It was a one hundred pc defensive marketing campaign when it needed to be a one hundred pc offensive marketing campaign.”
It was not that Ms. Haley lacked a template. The McCain magic was maybe particular to that race: The senator was a charismatic struggle hero; his opponent was a Texan with a twang that rubbed New Englanders the unsuitable method. However there have been additionally methods that have been replicable by a marketing campaign prepared to embrace its underdog standing and take dangers, New Hampshire strategists mentioned.
For the McCain marketing campaign, “straight discuss” wasn’t only a slogan. Speaking was a method. In the summertime of 1999, the marketing campaign was freely giving meals to lure folks to occasions the place the candidate was given a microphone and planted onstage till each particular person had run out of inquiries to ask.
“At first it’d be six folks and a few woman strolling her canine who needed to see what the fuss was about,” mentioned Mike Murphy, who was the senator’s chief strategist. “We favored them going lengthy as a result of we didn’t need to do as many. We couldn’t afford to.”
Mr. McCain’s courtship with the information media, so alien to up to date Republican politics, yielded the advantage of the doubt from reporters who have been grateful for limitless entry. If the occasional slip of the tongue yielded just a few dangerous tales, Mr. McCain dusted himself off and went proper again to the reporters within the rear of the bus.
“I imply, if there was a man from Weekly Reader with a microphone, he would have sat down with him for an hour,” recalled Dave Carney, a longtime Republican guide.
The distinction to Ms. Haley was stark. Earlier than she even bought to New Hampshire, she canceled a scheduled debate with Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida, declaring that her solely opponent was Mr. Trump.
The argument may need made mental sense for a candidate defending a lead, however New Hampshire consultants mentioned dropping a significant televised occasion — New Hampshire’s second within the nationwide TV highlight — was an enormous, unforced error.
She additionally buttoned up her occasions, normally taking 5 questions from voters and sometimes none in any respect, only a quick stump speech and a spherical of images. Ms. Haley’s interactions with reporters have been few and much between. Within the closing days, entry to some occasions was restricted to a handful of invited journalists.
The place Mr. McCain’s marketing campaign overtly focused impartial voters, Ms. Haley’s courtship of the 40 p.c of New Hampshire voters who’re unaffiliated with a political occasion felt virtually transgressive, as if she feared the assaults from the Trump marketing campaign.
“Present me the place I’m average,” she demanded at occasions. Her marketing campaign fielded no “Independents for Haley” indicators just like the “Independents for McCain” indicators that cluttered yards within the southern a part of the state, and solely late in her marketing campaign did she shift to an argument that Republicans wanted to broaden their attraction.
Colin Carberry, 52, an impartial from Dover, thought he would vote for Ms. Haley final week, however he mentioned on Tuesday that he had by no means felt that she requested for his vote.
“She’s very scripted,” he mentioned. “She’s not a really — I don’t need to say pure politician, however a pure particular person.”
As an alternative, Mr. Carberry wrote in President Biden’s title on the Democratic poll.
Ms. Haley had her causes to watch out along with her appeals. In spite of everything, Mr. McCain’s embrace of independents and his open early push to influence Democrats to re-register as unaffiliated so they may solid their votes might solely get him thus far. Three weeks later, Mr. Bush crushed him in South Carolina with Republican votes earlier than cruising to the nomination.
“I perceive it’s not a long-term technique,” Mr. Dennehy conceded. “However you need to take this stuff one contest at a time. When you’re going to have any alternative to make one thing occur, you need to take the wins.”
In fact, there have been no ensures that any of this may have propelled Ms. Haley to victory in New Hampshire — not towards Mr. Trump, whose maintain on the Republican voting base is extraordinary, even in a state the place Republicans have tended towards moderation. At the same time as he lured independents, Mr. McCain held his personal with Republicans. Pre-election polls recommended that Ms. Haley was badly trailing Mr. Trump among the many occasion’s voters.
It could have been Ms. Haley’s lack of a gradual message, somewhat than her lack of moments, that doomed her bid in New Hampshire. Ms. Haley tried out electability — she, not Mr. Trump, would beat Mr. Biden. She tried to reward Mr. Trump whereas saying it was time for a brand new era of management. Lastly, she tried to persuade voters that he was an aged agent of chaos, mentally unfit for an additional time period.
None of it labored, Mr. Carney mentioned, as a result of Republican major voters needed Mr. Trump.
“We at all times assume it’s the fault of the opposite candidates,” he mentioned. “What if folks simply favored the president and needed to return to him?”
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